James Ibori demanded $4.5m bribe from me to set-up Econet in Nigeria- Strive Masiyiwa
In
a series of post on corruption which he shared on his Facebook wall
recently, the Chairman of telecommunications company, Econet and
Zimbabwe's richest man, Strive Maiyiwa, described how former Delta state
governor James Ibori, who is serving jail term in the UK, allegedly
demanded a $4.5 million bribe from him to set up and successful operate
his business in Nigeria, promising to send him and his company parking
from Nigeria if he failed to give the bribe.
Masiyiwa
in his post said Lagos and Delta state governments were co-investors
when he brought the company into Nigeria. He said after he and other
investors succeeded in bringing in the company into Nigeria, he was
asked to pay a bribe totaling $9 million to top politicians. He also
accused top politicians from Kenya, Zimbabwe, Liberia of being extremely
corrupt and also demanding for bribe. He made so many accusations, your
head will literally spin. Read his expository post after the cut..
Part 1
I had the privilege of making Nigeria’s first
GSM phone call back in 2001 when I called the regulator to say, “We’re
live!” Who would’ve believed then that Nigeria today would have more
than 167 million mobile phones?!
It all started out as a very exciting new
chapter for enterprise in Africa. Shortly after President Obasanjo was
elected, the new government announced an incredibly transparent
international auction process for three national mobile phone licenses.
To participate in the bid, you not only had
to raise money, but there had to be a member of the bidding consortium
who was an experienced GSM operator. Econet Wireless met the
requirements because of its experience in Zimbabwe and Botswana. Our
Nigerian partners, which included state governments, local banks and
high net worth individuals, were financial investors. The largest
shareholder had only 10%. That was the written agreement.
I managed to assemble a consortium of 22
investors to put up the money needed to bid. Our shareholders were all
Nigerian, mostly institutional investors including leading banks and two
state governments, Lagos State and Delta State. The license cost us
$285m and was the most expensive license ever issued in Africa at the
time. This was 2001.
We considered the investment not only about
putting together a network, but also about building a nation. We knew it
had the potential to transform Nigeria’s entire business and social
architecture.
Most of our investors had between 1-10%
shareholding. Econet Wireless Nigeria had only 5% of the shares, but
that was fine because it was 5% ownership of a very big pie.
As the "technical partner and operator,"
Econet was the company with the expertise to build and operate such a
business. Our financial investors recognised this, and also allowed us
to receive 3% of the turnover as our fees. This was standard practice in
the industry.
We were one of the winning bidders and they
gave us just six months to set up business and get our network
operating. We were under a lot of pressure but our network was live two
days before the others! Customers were pouring in. We were number one in
the market with an estimated 57% market share.
___Then came the fateful day when I was told
that our company must pay a total of $9m in bribes to senior politicians
(in state government) who had facilitated the raising of the money to
pay for the license.
I refused to authorise the illegal payments.
Meeting after meeting was held to try to get me to agree, but I would
not. The money would not be paid as long as Econet was the operator and I
had signing authority.
James Ibori, the Governor of Delta State, was
demanding $4,5m be paid to him in his personal capacity. He was one of
the most powerful men in the country and had a reputation for violence.
When he heard that I was refusing to approve payment he issued an
ultimatum:
___"Pay or I will chase you and your people out of the country."
I refused.
The shareholders met and voted Econet
Wireless Nigeria out of management. They cancelled our management
contract. James Ibori and his colleagues personally attended the meeting
to remove us. After the meeting one of them (a prominent local
businessman even today) came up to me and said: "Unfortunately for you,
God does not have a vote."
I had to withdraw all my staff and their families: 200 people in all. We left Nigeria.
Most of our people had to be retrenched. The loss of the contract almost drove us to bankruptcy as a group.
They invited a big international operator to
replace us as technical partner and operator. They changed the name of
the company from Econet to V-Mobile.
Within days of their arrival, the managers of the new operator signed off the payments demanded as bribes.
Then what happened?
A few noble Nigerians had both the integrity
and courage to carefully collect all the documentation on the movement
of the money, and pass it all on to me.
___There’s a saying worth remembering in uncovering the trail of destruction that is corruption: “Follow the money”…
I bided my time... then I wrote a letter to the United States Department of Justice!
It was 2003.
Part 2
Nigeria has an agency known as the Economic
and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). After we had to leave the
country, a few noble people at the company tipped off not only me but
the EFCC about the payment of the bribes, which had by this time risen
from $9m to $13,5m.
I had never actually heard about this agency
myself until I got a call from the Nigerian Embassy in South Africa to
say they wanted to come and see me to interview me as a witness.
A team of very senior EFCC officers came to
see us in South Africa. They were solid and professional in their
enquiry. It was clear they wanted to do something about it.
However, when these officers returned home to
Nigeria, they got into very serious trouble. Their investigations into
the irregular payments had been brought to the attention of James Ibori
(Governor of Delta State)…
Soon thereafter, the most senior officer
leading the investigation was demoted and sent to a remote part of the
country as an ordinary policeman!
Agencies like EFCC in Nigeria sometimes have
brave and gallant law enforcement officers. Unfortunately, as I
observed, they’re often let down by their political bosses, and
sometimes even by the courts. This can change if activism from the
citizenry emerges to support their work.
___We should not only support official
efforts to stop corruption but also help these agencies and
organisations in their investigations. If you have relevant information
about illegal activities, passing it on could make all the difference
between impunity and imprisonment.
In my letter to the US Justice Department, I
detailed the full history of the demands for a bribe. I had dates,
times, records. I then reminded them that since the big international
operator had a listing on the New York Stock Exchange, they were
duty-bound to launch an enquiry. Why did I go to them?
The United States government has a law called
the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. The United Kingdom has a similar one
called the British Anti-Bribery Act. Whatever you do, make sure you
never fall foul of those laws because, if they ever use them to come
after you, you’re a "gonner" my friends.
A few weeks later, US officials wrote back
advising me that an enquiry had been launched. They contacted the big
international company seeking answers to my allegations. My contacts at
the company called to tell me, "All hell has broken loose at the
company."
The parent company of the South African-based
multinational sent external auditors and lawyers from London to
Nigeria. They immediately dismissed all the senior executives sent to
Nigeria to run the company, and they left in a hurry!
Although they fled the scene of the crime and
returned to their country -- after admitting even to both the US
Justice Department and the EFCC that the money had been paid out – the
stolen funds were never returned to the Nigerian people, even to this
day.
Meanwhile, the departure of the other mobile
operator did not mean we could return to Nigeria. The shareholders found
another operator, this time from the Middle East.
They sold this new operator the control of
the company even though Econet Wireless Nigeria had the "right of first
refusal" over any sale. They simply ignored that provision in our
agreement. This was illegal, both according to our shareholders
agreement and Nigerian Company Law. It was left for us to take up the
fight in another forum, the Nigerian courts.
Part 3
The state government of Akwa Ibom held 15% of
the equity in Econet Wireless Nigeria. This state was not one of the
original investors but joined us later.
After five years, the governor of the state
of Akwa Ibom decided to sell its stake. It had more than doubled in
value in dollar terms, which meant it had been a good investment.
The state governor, an elderly gentleman
called Victor Attah, sent a message through a friend that he wanted to
see me in London to find out if I was interested in exercising Econet’s
right to buy its shares. I agreed to meet him in London.
"I want to sell the shares to build an airport before I leave office," the governor explained.
The governor was accompanied to the meeting by a British lawyer who sat quietly taking notes. His name was Bhadresh Gohil.
With a wave of his hand, the governor said,
"Mr Gohil is our legal advisor here in London. I have instructed him to
handle all our negotiations with you."
The meeting did not last more than 30 minutes, as the governor was on his way to catch a flight to the U.S.
We agreed with Mr Gohil that we would meet with my own advisors a few days later to start the process.
A few days later, I went to his office with a
professional banker who advised me on such transactions. We met in the
lawyer's plush London offices. He was confident and smooth-spoken as he
explained how much we were expected to pay. Then he explained that our
money was to go to a "Special Purpose Vehicle" (SPV) before it was
transferred to Nigeria. It was a sophisticated structure and he showed
me a drawing of how it would work. I wrote it all down very carefully
into my notebook.
___Such corporate entities as SPVs can definitely have legitimate purposes, but this one did not!
As I quizzed him about why such an unusual
structure was necessary, Mr Gohil changed tact and tried to entice me
with an offer I could not refuse (or so he hoped): "I'm also the advisor
to the governor of Delta State, Mr James Ibori, and if you agree to pay
for these shares using this structure, we will offer you shares
belonging to all the state governments. In total, you can have more than
30% additional shares. It will be enough to take control of the
company. My clients just want out, and they are willing to give you what
you have always wanted."
I listened to him, quietly taking notes in my
small notebook. I did not give away anything, but inside I was very
angry. From the design of the structure, I knew immediately that it was
meant to siphon off money before it reached the state governments. It
was clear there was a conspiracy to steal a lot of money.
___Having already pocketed $13.5m, now the
government officials could easily pocket probably another $100m through
the sale process that they had developed with the help of Mr Gohil and
other clever advisors in London!
When I left the meeting I immediately
contacted the mutual friend who'd set up the governor's meeting. The
friend was so embarrassed as I explained the corrupt structure clearly
designed to steal money from the state governments. He promised to raise
the issue with Governor Victor Attah. A few days later he came back and
said Governor Attah had claimed ignorance about the proposal put to me
by Mr Gohil. He said he would speak to Mr Gohil and tell him it had to
be done properly without the structures.
We never heard from them again. Mr Gohil
simply vanished. A few months later we were told that the shares had
been offered to a company from the Middle East who subsequently bought
them. I was not privy to how they did it except that they had violated
my right to buy the shares... That is another chapter in the saga, but
not for now.
Fast-forward three years, long after the
sale. Our lawyers in London called me one day and asked if I could come
urgently to a meeting with the Proceeds of Corruption Unit of the London
Metropolitan Police: "You are not in any trouble, but I think you will
find what they have to say very interesting!"
This special unit was launched by the British
to investigate corruption by foreign government officials who try to
launder stolen money to the U.S. and the UK.
The officers asked me to explain everything I knew about the sale of V-Mobile shares to Celtel (later Zain).
I explained the history of the entire
transaction and the shareholders disputes that had led to our departure.
After awhile, they asked me to focus on specific events, and, in
particular, my meetings in London with the governor of Akwa Ibom, and
also the meetings with Mr Gohil. It became clear to me that they had a
lot of information!
"What can you tell us about this structure, using a Special Purpose Vehicle?"
I explained my understanding of it. Later on,
I gave them my diary in which I had recorded the details of my meeting
that day with Mr Gohil.
Below my drawing of the structure, I had written in bold letters:
"This is corrupt!!!"
Not long after my meeting with the Proceeds
of Corruption Unit, Mr Gohil was arrested together with one of his
partners and several others. I later learned that when the Middle
Eastern company bought the shares, some of the proceeds had been
diverted using the Gohil structure. Some of the money was sent to a bank
in London. This large amount of money was enough to alert the British
authorities that money was being laundered through their banking system.
Their investigations led them to Gohil and
his associates. They raided his offices and found stashes of documents,
including details of the structures. Now they were looking for witnesses
to help prosecute them for corruption and money laundering.
The British authorities tried without success
to get other parties, including the governor of Akwa Ibom, to come out
and clear their names but they refused. Officials of President Umaru
Musa Yar'Aduah's government successfully thwarted all extradition
requests.
I was asked to be a witness in the trial of
those who had been arrested in London. I willingly accepted. Next I will
tell you about my role as a 'Witness to the Crown" on behalf of the
people of Nigeria whose money had been stolen. It would be the first
time that someone big went to jail (in a foreign country) for stealing
money from Africans.
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